Birth of the Modern City

The latter half of the 19^th century saw the increased mobility and growth of the urban setting, with growing industrial production and the expansion of cities, new means of transportation began to be explored. With booming populations, growing numbers of immigrants and workers, the need for an efficient and large-scale transit system was necessary. Whereas before, the citizens of  cities like Paris relied mainly on foot travel, with instances of water transportation (along the Seine), with horse drawn omnibuses appearing in 1828 – the railways presented a completely new revolution in the life of the state, and specifically the city itself. With a widening distance between residential areas and the city’s commercial districts, and a greater necessity for transportation back-and-forth, new technologies came to the forefront.

Rail technology, which had been employed as a means of long distance transportation and held may industrial applications, was in the middle and later half of the 19^th century introduced into the heart of burgeoning city centers. For Paris and Chicago both, long distance rail transportation had long before established itself as a means of moving between cities; Chicago most notably having emerged during this time as a railway hub, linking all corners of the United States. It was the scaling down of this means of transport, its refinement and specialization that defined it as a new means of structuring perceptions of the city and its dwellers. Quite distinct from regular rail transport, the elevation of this new mode (in Chicago’s case, quite literal) created a new set of norms for those seeking movement throughout the city. Yet a focus on European rail lines, Paris’ specifically speaks to a new vision of the city, reflected in the Universal Expositions and urban planning of the era. By tracing the development of inter-city rail, one can trace the development of a new means of viewing the city and the sense of freedom and potentially limitation that came with this change.

The Parisian Chemin de Fer, named La Petite Ceinture de Paris (The Little Belt) was the city’s first large scale rail intra-muros rail project. Begun in 1851, the Petit Ceinture ferroviale was seen as a means of addressing not only the growing population of the city, but the challenge of linking Paris’ five main rail stations, which were at the time owned by independent rail companies and had control of different lines exiting the city. Though an ideal solution, the concept for the Petite Ceinture, which has been proposed by Louis-Philippe as a means of centralizing Paris as a hub for the nations rails, was delayed for several years due to difficulties with acquiring funding. It was not until the rise of power of Napoleon III, that a financial agreement was reached.  With each of the five rail companies in France contributing 1,000,000 francs each for the endeavor, they unified to form a ‘Syndicat de Chemin de fer de Ceinture’ which would fund and oversee the expansion of the project. With the finance for the line cleared on December 2, 1851, the Petit Chemin first saw growth between 1852-54, with expansion on the Right Bank, and finally saw its completion in 1869 as a closed circuit rail line, surrounding the whole of Paris.

The creation of the Petite Ceinture, promoted the notions of expansion and development on a miniature scale, just as the growth of national railways done in previous years. The circular shape of the belt, formed by the shape of walls which at this point still surrounded the city, was meant to foremost facilitate transport between five major outgoing stations. Whereas before goods had to be transported between these stations by horse and cart, the implementation of the Petite Ceinture offered a new and quick means for transporting such goods throughout the city.

Yet beyond simply moving goods, the Petite Ceinture quickly saw a boom in the number of travelers it had traversing the city. After its final completion the Petite Ceinture would transport thousands of individuals, as it saw its popularity increase dramatically between 1862 and 1867, (the year of the Paris Universal Exposition) and continue through to the 1900 Exposition.  By the close of the century the Petite Ceinture played witness to an average of between 85,000 and 90,000 voyagers per day.

By the time of the 1900 Universal Exposition, the line alone was able to take on the 39 million visitors to Paris. By opening as many as 29 stations, which would circle trains in both directions every ten minutes, a new level of circulation and mass transport was achieved within the city borders. As a quick, though often loud and dirty means of travel, the intra-muros rail line nevertheless captured the spirit of technology and innovation that marked the golden expansion of the rail age. Before bowing out to the electric, modern and faster Metro system, introduced in the early 20^th century the Petite Ceinture had revolutionized the mode of travel by almost all levels of Parisian society and brought with it a new way of seeing the city.

The Paris of Napoleon III, saw a stark rejection of the urban sprawl and unchecked growth that marked the Second Republic. In line with the remaking of Paris between 1852 and 1870 under the watchful eye of Baron Haussmann, the Petit Ceninture too created a new way of visualizing the city, and in turn, its inhabitants. Just as Haussmann’s urban planning sought to attack the problem of sprawl from within, by creating radiating sets of boulevard and providing order to a once chaotic system, so too did the Petit Ceinture - in its ringing of the entire city – in essence rope off the city and impose a new order. The Paris of Haussmann was a Paris which embraced iron and glass. Many of the main train terminals, such as the stunning Gare de Lyon (1855) and Gare du Nord (1865), were built specifically in this style as a testament to the advances of French engineering. The Petit Ceinture too, as an engineering feat, boasted lines which challenged standards for railway construction. With stretches of the railway on elevated tracks, white bridges with rails spanning the Seine, and many kilometers of track dug into the ground as to be unobtrusive to the surroundings – the age of the steam engine had integrated elegantly into the life of the city, promoting a vision of future technological advance.

Getting on at one of the eventual 29 train stops with nothing more than a ticket, an individual could open themselves to a stunning new view of the city. Along its 35km length, the train ran through slums, past meatpacking districts and alongside vast parks. Ducking under bridges and floating over the city on suspended tracks – the commuter could perceive the city as ever more manageable than before. Instead of traversing a maze of streets, both Husmann and the Petit Ceinture reduced navigation to a set of boulevards, or a swatch of scenes from a train punctuated by train stops.

One example of blur of images and breakthrough of technologies comes from archival footage shot by Jacques Melies in 1989. His Panorama from the Top of a Moving Train/Panorama pris d’un train en march, perfectly captures this new sense reality for the passenger. By attaching his camera to the front of the train, he films the route of the train as it enters several tunnels, traveling through and each time emerging into a new world of light. In this new world of technology, the camera just like the individual, is able to envision and create new worlds of opportunity. The individual, no longer confined to a quarter, possessed a new capacity to explore and control his surroundings. In upsetting the statuts quo of an bustling yet uncontrolled city, the train provided a paradigm shift by literally creating a sense of direction, and imposing a new order.

The phenomenon of the toy train also speaks to this directionality, the train provided the vector through which the city, the individual could be controlled and transported. Like goods and trade before him, individuals and later the working class, would too be just another part of this organized motion. The miniature toy train, like the miniature railway (literally small, as the translation of Petit Chemin implies) creates this vision of a microcosm of order and movement, imposed upon the 19^th century city.

Yet in navigating the city, is it crucial to establish who was a member of just who exactly was a member of this new order. As with the universal exposition of the day, technology and advancement had a price. With first and second class ticketing options, the segregation of individuals meant that this taste of technology was something reserved for those who could afford the ticket pricing. For a time, it would appear that the future vision of Paris would be reserved solely for those with the material means. Yet as the demographics of the city itself began to shift, so too did the use of the trains.

Industrialization and manufacturing within the city itself, meant that the railways of the Petit Ceinture had always been connected with the world of manufacturing and the shipment of goods. Built to connect the primary train lines importing goods to the city center, the Petit Chemin saw a smaller scale version of this same distribution in the quick links it created between factories and workshops. On this basis, though the Petit Chemin had 196 voyager trains (with as many as 212 on the Auteil line), at least 148 more trains were meant specifically for the transport of merchandise.

It was with the introduction of the Metro and the greater reliance on rail transport to facilitate the movement of workers to disparate parts of the city, which created a new demographics of the Petite Ceinture. Rail culture and increasing ease of transport created a movement of workers outside of the city, and defined the north and western suburbs (with its rail access) as the domain of the working class. Despite the decay of the Petit Chemin into obscurity by the mid-20^th century, its remnants within Paris – many of which are still explored and documented by groups of enthusiasts, hearken back to this original implementation of order and movement, tucked into the rhythm of the city.

Works Cited

• “CAMT: Syndicat des chemins de fer de Ceinture.” Archives nationales. N.p., n.d. Web. <http://www.archivesnationales.culture.gouv.fr/camt/fr/inventairesaq/75aq.html>.
• “Histoire de la Petite Ceinture ferroviaire.” Site de l’Association Sauvegarde Petite Ceinture (ASPCRF). N.p., n.d. Web. <http://www.petiteceinture.org/presentation85.html>.
• “Panorama From Top of a Moving Train - Georges Méliès - An in-depth look at the cinema’s first creative genius.” FilmJournal.net. N.p., 18 May 2008. Web. <http://filmjournal.net/melies/2008/05/18/panorama-from-top-of-a-moving-train/>.
• Ezra, Elizabeth. Georges Melies. New York: Manchester UP, 2000. Print. Pg. 61-63.
• Lamming, Clive. Paris Ferroviaire. Paris: Parigramme, 1999. Print.

Images

• Paris, Petite Ceinture 1898. Digital image. Http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/00/Paris_Petite_Ceinture_1898.jpg. N.p., n.d. Web.
• Pitrou, Pierre, and Bernard Tardien. Le Chemin de Fer de Petit Ceinture de Paris. Paris: n.p., 1891. Print.

June 02, 2009, 12:00am

Compulsory mask, brought in to combat the flu epidemic after the World War, 1918-1919 / Sam Hood (via State Library of New South Wales collection) Note: The skull and crossbones on the mask was a “joke”, not part of the mask as issued, in an attempt to halt the disease. 12,000 died in Australia and between 20-100 million around the world, more than were killed in the War

Especially in the current climate of fear over the spread of the flu, it is interesting to see the continued use of surgical masks as a means of preventing the spread of the contaigon. Even though their usefulness has been debated, the link between past and present remains strong.

Just take a look at this modern-day version, from Mexico (via telegraph.co.uk)

April 30, 2009, 6:07am

In the same manner as the morgue, the cemetery too became a tool for governmental organization and ornamentation. In the 18^th century, the cemetery was nothing but a source of concern for Parisians. The example of the largest Parisian cemetery, Les Innocents, was a frightful place – completely over saturated with bodies, and leading to the contamination and the spread of disease caused by open graves in the city center. As the implementation of decrees failed to contain this space, and problems continued to proliferate, unilateral action was finally taken. It was primarily this concern that led to the creation of the Parisian Catacombs, south of the city at Denfert-Rochreau, and a push for elimination of churchyard cemeteries in the city-center [1].

A new breed of suburban cemeteries soon emerged, edified by an 1804 Napoleonic decree (the Decret du 23 prarial an XII) which placed cemeteries outside city limits [2]. Among these were the cemeteries of Montparnasse, Montmartre, and Pere Lachaise. These cemeteries, were a completely different breed of animal. Designed, plotted, and far enough removed from the city centers to allow for expansion — these cemeteries were “distinct spaces” and modeled in a manner reflective of the rambling and picturesque parks of the 19th century. This element of openneness and serenity, created yet another form through which admnistrative oversight would impact the perception of the city by its citizens.

These cemetaries, like parks created a new visual culture that embraced picturesque and monumental forms. Though initially, the public was hesitant to use these new cemeteries, the burial there of “several Napoleonic heroes” as well as the transfer of the tombs of Abelard & Heloise, Moliere, and La Fontaine turned the location into a “fashionable” venue for strolling and also spectatorship [3].

April 23, 2009, 2:47pm

Cemetery of Les Innocents via Cimetières de France et d’ailleurs

The best example of the inner-city Parisian cemetery. With massive development occuring around this small patch of church land, the cemetary was (in the 18th century) compeltely overwhelmed. With little adherence to city decrees, the cemetary became over saturated with bodies, and open graves were linked with terrible smells and the spread of disease in the surrounding area.

April 23, 2009, 2:38pm

Detail of engraved map of the Eastern division of Paris (1834) via the David Rumsey Map Collection

In this map, one can clearly note the placement of Pere Lachaise on the outskirts of the city — its placement just east of one of the main routes marking the start of the suburbs. Additionally of note is the relative dearth of buildings around the cemetery. Unlike Les Innocents, which saw continual construction around it, this new form of cemetery was to be removed from the general public. The largest buildings of note in the immediate area are a women’s correctional facility to the west, and the Melinmontant abattoir to the north west.

April 23, 2009, 1:34pm

Carree des Generaux via Gallica Consultation

April 23, 2009, 1:29pm

Monument raised for General Foy via Gallica Consultation

One of the many tombstones erected at the Pere Lachaise cemetery, the creation of such statues served to create not only a destination for Parisians of the time, but played heavily into the aspect of visual culture emphasized in this time period. Instead of the clustered forms of the inner-city cemetery, Pere Lachaise required the use of plots, upon which could be created ornamented and monumental tombs. As a type of catalogue of past individuals, this organization of not only visual space, physical space, and history represented the top-down organizing potential of government influence.

April 23, 2009, 1:27pm

Vue du Pere Lachaise (1829) via Gallica Consultation

On the outskirts of the city, Pere Lachaise provided a re conception of the boundaries of the city. Though these cemeteries didn’t impact the city-center directly, they provided space for the reexamination of the city with a stroll overlooking Paris to the West. This boundary between Paris and its suburbs, bustle and solitude, between life and death created a new conception of the function of the city and its environs.

Also, of note is the fact that pictured are many different types of visitors: a mother and child, a couple in fine dress — this type of cemetery was a relaxing escape from a dirty and bustling city (perhaps captured by the smokestack in the distance).

April 23, 2009, 1:24pm

Au Pere Lachaise (1829) via Gallica Consultation

The cemetery as a place for artistic endeavor and monumental construction. With the large-scale territory occupied by the cemetery, it soon became a place for recreation and commemoration. Strolling couples are pictured in this rather pastoral scene, so far removed from the crowded and unhygenic inner-city cemeteries of the 18th century.

April 23, 2009, 1:22pm

The Parisian Morgue presents perhaps one of the best examples of the transformative force that institutional power brought to one of the most basic elements of life. Though throughout history the morgue had always served as “a depository for the anonymous dead”[1] the imposition of the state in this matter, specifically the police prefecture, strove to make the process of identification into a clean and ordered matter.

In the 18^th century, the existing city morgue, also know as the basse-geole, was a remote underground site, linked with a Prison located at Chatelet. The basement viewing chamber, described as a “stinking pestilent place” came to represent everything wrong with prior levels of regulation in terms of institutional presence, hygiene, and order. In its role, pursuant of the identification of corpses, “visitors could only present themselves one at a time; in order to look into the horrible and somber cave they were forced to breathe the poisoned air of this grotto and put their faces against a narrow opening.”[2]

With an 1804 police order, under the new administration of the First Empire, the morgue was officially transferred to a “specially designed building in the shape of a Greek temple,” a former butcher-shop located at the place du Marche-Neuf. The location was not only central to the city of Paris, located on the Ile-de-la-Cite, but brought with it a massive increase in visibility by a bustling and curious public. The architecture, which promoted a stark visual presentation of death, with a gigantic viewing salon, bridged the gap between living and dead, in a senses feeding into the visual culture and sense of spectacle evolving in this time period.

The institution of the morgue, was therefore central to the production of a new visual culture in Paris. The architecture sought to emphasize the clean lines, and grandiosity of a new French manner of thinking – in this sense too, its subject matter, death came to be increasingly linked with a visual manner of thinking within Paris. Themes of fantasmorgia, shadows & darkness came to represent a fascination of the unknown beyond its administrative function. The initial curiosity which would bring as many as 40,000 individuals through the morgue’s viewing rooms in one day [3], evolved into a manner of thinking that embraced these new forms on a daily level.

April 23, 2009, 1:14pm

The Morgue at Paris: The last scene of a Tragedy via pro.corbis.com

April 23, 2009, 12:25pm

Interior view of the Morgue (1845) via Gallica Consultation

A vast exhibition room with gigantic windows greeted visitors to the morgue. The glass was all that separated viewers from the nakes cadavers laid out for viewing. This proximity to death, integrated often into the routines of shoppers at the nearby market, and passer-bys on the Ile-de-la-Cite, greatly influenced the popular imagination.

April 23, 2009, 12:24pm

La Morgue (1829) via Gallica Consultation

April 23, 2009, 12:23pm

La Morgue (1830) via The Brown Univeristy Center for Digital Intiatives

The Morgue, located on the banks of the Seine river, allowed for the easy transport and access to bodies transported by water. This location, also meant that the Morgue retained a now-central place in the the city center, accessible to thousands of individuals on a given day.

April 23, 2009, 12:18pm